The release of the Libyan crisis ... the transition of the issue of Libyan consensus to international consensus

Following the issue of Libya in the sequence of events, we find that there is a glimmer of hope for an optimal political solution between the poles of the conflict of power without reference to the repeated military action.

Hoping to unify the Libyan state institutions in the wake of a national constitution of the Libyan state after long waiting and avoid the cases of despair experienced by the Libyan people for many years.

Hope on the basis of works to achieve a constitution and a higher law and a roadmap emanating from the modern Libyan social contract, which is in line with the current data of the Libyan state seeking to get out of its multiple crises and faltering.

The observer also believes that there is a hope that the first declaration of independence of the Libyan state of 1951 will be closely linked to a Libyan monarchy under the crown of King Mohamed Idris al-Senousi of the United Kingdom of Libya and the 2011 constitutional declaration of the Libyan state that emerged from the former masses regime.

This was the Libyan state, which was called the nascent modern state at that time after what was under the control of the Italian fascist colonization.

The Libyan state in which the Libyan society had a social contract in the form of an international organization in which the Libyans lived socially, politically and economically to a large extent, overcoming many mistakes and disabling some of its constitutional provisions from the partisan, Libyan and Libyan nationalities.

Libya's constitution of 1951 was a social contract prepared and written by the United Nations that was due to the inability of the Libyans in that historical period to prepare, formulate and enact constitutional laws on their own after the emergence of the colonial era and achieve independence, sovereignty, of the homeland of Libya.

Libya Has not conducted a popular referendum on the Libyan constitution of 1951, neither in the past nor in this period of nerve that Libya is going through a social contract that binds each other, and as the constitutional declaration of 2011 did not come out on the face of existence and referendum on it popularly for political reasons rather than reasons of Legal Jurisdiction.

The constitution of 1951 was the first constitution of Libya before the stage of change from the monarchy to the republican republic of Libya, in which the Libyan constitution was abolished completely because we were and still believe and consider it a royal constitution and not a constitution of the state of Libya regardless of the form and type of government that it was in Libya at that time.

Over the years, Libya has moved to several political systems, including a ruling regime under the name of the Libyan Arab Republic and then a system under the name of the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya and then to the State of Libya without specifying The shape and identity of the new Libyan political system.

Changes in the system of government were inevitably invalid if it was not a struggle for the Libyan authority and not on the constitution system, which is expensive by the Constitution as a whole, but should have been modified according to the stages of the Libyan political changes at that time the establishment of constitutional amendments crisis.

Political changes that Libya was going through from time to time in line with the nature of Libyan political rule and the development of the Libyan state, and the transition to a popular system under the umbrella of the green document, which the former regime considered as the Libyan social contract and serves as the constitution of the state of the masses.

Thus, Libyan politicians should have solved the constitutional declaration of 2011 to be a roadmap to the new Libyan social contract for modern Libya in the current period with the lifting of the deadlock between the political poles and the removal of all the obstacles that impede the referendum on the Libyan constitution.

Libyan and international affairs note the signs of a breakthrough for the Libyan crisis, not only by Libyan politicians but also by regional and international efforts aimed at resolving the Libyan crisis, which resulted in the London Special Summit, which was recently held in the British capital with the participation of seven major countries.

The European state Great Britain is hosting the summit coincided with the presence of the United States of America after the absence and withdrawal from the Libyan political scene after the fall of the former Libyan regime, which had a moral presence in the package of things and push the parties to accept what will result in the General Assembly of the United Nations in the coming days in New York City.

The TheUnited States seeks to work in the next phase to some moves towards giving structure and energy of encouragement to all warring factions in Libya.

Today, Libya is an international demand for a permanent constitution, a constitution in which there is an agreement in the form and style of the modern Libyan state, even if the Libyan parties differ in the political programs, they should not differ in the form of Libyan democratic popular rule.

The legal constitutional factor is what foreign countries see as we, the Libyan people, find it difficult to solve the problem of the security, stability, and growth of the Libyan state politically, economically and socially.

As a result of the institutional constitutional work, we may have achieved the security and safety of the Libyan border with neighboring countries and the security and safety of the European countries bordering the Mediterranean Sea and the achievement of a comprehensive peace with the countries of the world.

Stupidity is all stupid if we are not united on one word between us and the conflicting political parties on the flesh of the homeland and the national political will of Libya, which leads to safety and social peace Libyan.

By Professor RamziMavrakis